("Quid coniuratio est?")
NEW EDITION OF "THE FRANKLIN COVER-UP" RELEASED
[CN: Preliminary note: The "Larry King" mentioned below is not to be confused with the Cable News Network talk show host of the same name. Talk show host Larry King is not involved in what follows.]
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"Explosive New Edition of Book About Satanism in Nebraska"
(New Federalist, Jan. 27, 1997)
Review by Allen Douglas
In November 1988, the FBI swooped down on a small, federally guaranteed credit union in Omaha, Neb. Some $40 million was missing from the till, but that was the least of the scandal: It soon emerged that Franklin, and its manager Larry King, were centerpieces in a nationwide drug-running and pedophile ring which reached into high political circles in Washington. There, King maintained a mansion, was a leading figure in African-American affairs for the Republican Party, and according to witnesses, provided children to be sexually abused by the rich and powerful. He was also a key figure in the money-laundering and financial support apparatus for the Contras.
Shortly after the credit union was seized, the Nebraska State Legislature set up its "Franklin Committee" to investigate the matter. Soon, child victim-witnesses named some of the most prominent figures in Omaha as being involved in the sex-and-drug orgies, including World Herald newspaper publisher Harold Andersen and police chief Robert Wadman. The children also testified to almost unbelievable tales of Satanic ritual human sacrifice.
Former State Senator John DeCamp, one of the country's most highly decorated Vietnam veterans, was the personal lawyer of the Franklin Committee's chairman, Sen. Loran Schmit, and himself a protagonist in the case: When law enforcement authorities showed no signs of moving on the case, he wrote the famous "DeCamp memo" in 1990, which named five prominent Nebraskans, including Andersen and Wadman, as being involved, and which caused the case to explode into headlines in Nebraska's press, and beyond. DeCamp also became the lawyer for several of the children victim-witnesses.
In 1992, DeCamp wrote a book about the case, "The Franklin Cover-Up: Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska." Based upon the documentary evidence accumulated by the State Senate's Franklin Committee, and his own first-hand involvement, he created in his book what was probably the most detailed account ever published of the dozens of ritual abuse and pedophilia rings which have surfaced all over the U.S., and internationally, over the last two decades. The book also provided voluminous evidence to show that the U.S. Department of Justice and the FBI were covering up the case.
Without a single dollar of advertising, DeCamp's book sold 50,000 copies -- an almost unheard-of figure for a self-published book.
Four Years Later...
Now, some four and one-half years later, DeCamp has written a second edition. It has 116 new pages, which makes it almost a new book; like the first, it is a bombshell. The first three of its eight new chapters update the case, and recount some of what DeCamp calls "the hundreds of mini-miracles" which have occurred since the first book was issued: individuals stepping forward with new information which proves everything he said in the first book, and which develops the case much further.
One of the most striking features of this second edition is DeCamp's account of the super-secret "Monarch Project," aspects of which were reported on earlier in this newspaper. Under this name, Paul Bonacci and other victim-witnesses were subject to a military mind-control experiment that involved creating "Manchurian candidate"-style programmed assassins, prostitutes, drug couriers, etc., through inducing "multiple personality disorder" in the victims.
In addition to the new information which has poured in on the Franklin case per se, two other events have since taken place which amplify the events described in the first edition: The San Jose Mercury-News account, in August 1996, of the Nicaraguan Contras introducing crack cocaine into American ghettos, and the exploding scandal of a high-level pedophilia and Satanism ring in Belgium, which has caused the largest street demonstrations in that country's history.
After recounting some new evidence about Larry King, George Bush, and the Contras, and reminding his readers that some of the abused children were couriers for a West Coast-centered drug ring, DeCamp asks: "So, was Larry King's buddy George Bush the country's 'drug kingpin' in the 1980s? I don't know. But what I do know is that if Bush were running the Contra affair, and drugs were a big part of it, that would certainly jibe 100 percent with everything known or rumored about Bush, Larry King, and the Franklin Credit Union."
Although DeCamp did not have time to develop the leads from Franklin into Europe in time for this second edition, key features of the Belgian case are present in Franklin, providing strong prima facie evidence that the two are linked.
The Higher Stakes
First of all, pedophile rings involving important individuals are invariably international, as the Franklin case itself shows, and as the revelations over the last year about a pedophile ring centered in Australia's aptly named Department of Foreign Affairs, has also demonstrated. Second, victim-witness Paul Bonacci, all of whose other charges have been proven in spades, has stated that he was flown to Europe aboard planes of the Strategic Air Command, based at Omaha's Offutt Air Force Base. The SAC base is tightly tied to the NATO headquarters in Brussels, Belgium; NATO personnel were almost certainly involved in the Belgian pedophile ring.
Third, ritualistic, Satanic activity, including human sacrifice, was a "marker" for the Belgian events, just as it was for Franklin. Fourth, the Belgian ring was involved in illegal arms deals, some of which apparently aided the Contras. And last, high-level Freemasons were prominent in both rings, and the Omaha Masons had extensive connections into Europe.
The Role of Bill Colby
The final chapter of this second edition is titled "In Memoriam: Bill Colby." The former CIA director was DeCamp's commanding officer in Vietnam; the two had been close friends ever since, and, as DeCamp now makes clear, Colby was a crucial figure in pushing DeCamp to keep fighting in the Franklin case, against all odds. Colby once told DeCamp, "This case is so much bigger than you think. It goes to the highest levels; we have to keep pulling the strings."
Colby also encouraged DeCamp to keep up his activity as a lawyer for numerous figures in the "militias," which have come about due to the wide circulation of his first book [sic]. Three of the new chapters deal with the militias, with DeCamp's deep involvement in investigating the unsolved bombing of the Oklahoma federal building in April 1995, and with the U.S. Justice Department's assassination of Midwest farmer activist Gordon Kahl. DeCamp is now the lawyer for Gordon's son Yorie, and bases his chilling account on Gordon's own never-released diary of his final months, as well as Yorie's inside knowledge.
Colby constantly stressed that the militias, many of whose members or sympathizers are people who shed blood for their country in America's wars, are merely symptomatic of the fact that, he suggested, three-quarters of the American population hate their government, and that "lines of communication" must be opened, or else tragedy will ensue.
All of this highlights Colby's own mysterious death by drowning in April 1996. At the time, Colby was writing for the Strategic Investment newsletter of London's Lord William Rees-Mogg, whose crowd has been instrumental in trying to focus populist rage against President Clinton, whom Colby strongly supported. Colby told DeCamp not to believe a word he read in the newsletter, and, furthermore, to be "very careful" about a Rees-Mogg minion, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, who had contacted DeCamp. Interestingly enough, Evans-Pritchard has taken time out from trying to destroy President Clinton, to write articles which savagely debunk the existence of Satanic pedophile rings.
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