Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6  Num. 80
                    ("Quid coniuratio est?")


Excerpts from chapter XIII of The Empire of "The City" by E.C. Knuth. (Written 1946. Reprinted in 1983 by The Noontide Press, PO Box 1248, Torrance, California 90505.)

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[Concluded from CN 6.79]

In this extremity, President Lincoln appealed to Britain's perennial enemy Russia for aid. When the document with this urgent appeal was given to Alexander II, he weighed it unopened in his hand and stated: "Before we open this paper or know its contents, we grant any request it may contain. On the day on which your President was inaugurated, we, Alexander II of Russia, signed the protocol which liberated twenty-three million serfs. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, has freed four million slaves. Therefore, whatever he asks of Russia, Russia will grant, for Alexander II will not be a factor in the enslavement of any man." Unannounced, a Russian fleet under Admiral Lisiviski steamed into New York harbor on September 24, 1863, and anchored there; while the Russian Pacific fleet under Admiral Popov arrived at San Francisco on Oct. 12th. Of this Russian action, Gideon Wells said: "They arrived at the high tide of the Confederacy and the low tide of the North, causing England and France to hesitate long enough to turn the tide for the North."

The British interference had caused a furious resentment in the United States, and when a demand for payment of direct and contingent damages due to this interference was rejected by Britain in 1869, war again was close. [After several years of controversy], on September 6, 1872, [the U.S.] was awarded very nominal damages of fifteen and one-half million dollars.

Napoleon III withdrew his troops from Mexico shortly after the end of the Civil War upon demand of the United States; and the Mexican Emperor placed on the throne created by him, Archduke Maximilian of Austria, was executed June 19, 1867.

[During the "giant depression of the 1890's", former Congressman Towne condemned] American participation in the grand plan of International Finance to immediately eliminate Germany and Russia from the markets of the Far East with the aid of Japan. [This plan urged that America abandon the Monroe Doctrine and join itself with the aforementioned Ideology No. 1 with the promised reward of the "Full Dinner Pail".]

Further comment on the desperate expedient adopted by the exponents of the "Full Dinner Pail" to fulfill their campaign promise and to overcome the terrible depression of the '90s appears in an article written by the late Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, in which he stated: "A 'foreign war as a cure for domestic discontent' has been the device of tyrants and false counselors from time immemorial, but it has always led to a Waterloo, a Sedan, to certain decadence and often utter ruin."

The above statements are to be found among over thirty great speeches and articles against the great intrigue of 1897 in William J. Bryan's "Republic or Empire?" published in 1899; and the American statesmen and educators whose they are, proved to have been great and true prophets in the crucible of 45 years; but they are prophets without honor in their own country, for to revive their words is to expose facts that those in interest want forgotten.

There is no interval in American history so obscure as that between the secret agreement of 1897 and the tipping of the scales in favor of the British-French division of Africa by Theodore Roosevelt at the Conference of Algeciras in 1906. The second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, one of the greatest political horse-trades of history, was concluded November 18, 1901, in order to obtain the British-French "permission" to build the Panama Canal; but writers and historians of this era are, in general, very vague as to the nature of the deal by which the noxious British restrictions were eliminated from the first treaty of Feb. 5, 1900.

John K. Turner in "Shall It Be Again?" published in 1922, covers the fact that secret diplomacy was employed by our presidents in precisely the same manner as our allies and enemies employed it; and there is little question that the two presidents who have deplored secrecy and hypocrisy the loudest, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, were among the most prolific users of secret diplomacy.

[The] American ascendancy in the affairs of the British Empire has so far cost the American people a vast sum of money, but this money seems to be in the nature of a purchase of an interest in that Empire, for exuberant American post-war planners are openly making plans which seem to proclaim them the successors of those controlling the British Empire; themselves the jugglers of world power which would make certain that the American people would not only be the principal participants in the major wars of the world, but would also take a part in all the minor wars of the British Empire and the world; that borrowing the words of the English Professor Cramb: "Scarcely a sun will set in the years to come, which will not look upon some American's face dead in battle -- dead not for America -- dead to satisfy the ambitions of power-crazed men."

The American people lead the world in science and invention, but their geopolitical sense has not kept in step with developments, so there is cause to fear that in that respect the United States is in the precarious predicament of the prehistoric dinosaur whose body grew too large for its head. Instead of ascribing the marvelous prosperity of the United States to its self-sufficiency and its isolation from the wars and the crushing burden of armaments and taxation that have kept the people of Europe in endless and hopeless poverty, a false theory has been created that this prosperity depends on eliminating other peoples from the markets of the world; a resurrection of the barbarous conceptions of biblical times in which conquering hosts put whole peoples to the sword.

It is said that only a few dozen men in the world know the nature of money; and therefore these few men are allowed to practice the manipulation of money and of that mysterious commodity known as credit as a mystic rite, despite the fact that their machinations cause recurrent giant depressions in which many of the life savings of the people are lost, and cause recurrent gigantic bloodshed in which the people must sacrifice their lives to protect the manipulators from the fury of those nations and peoples who have been their victims; and despite the fact that eminent students of high business, financial and social position, such as Vincent C. Vickers and Arthur Kitson, have condemned this money system as a fraud; have condemned the men who manipulate it as super-criminals and traitors to their own lands and peoples, and have condemned the recurring economic depressions and wars as the deliberate products of the money power.

The power of International Finance rests upon the doctrine of government advanced by Niccolo Machiavelli, which holds that any means, however unscrupulous, may be justifiably employed in order to maintain a strong central government; and this doctrine has always been used as a vindication and the mandate of imperialists and dictators, and it cannot gain a foothold unless the forces of freedom have become undermined and are no longer able to offer open opposition.

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